Propaganda posters tell all.
The Second World War in Poland.
Lech M. Nijanowski wrote in his essay “Pride and shame of nations” that:
“The collective memory is important because it supports favourable identity. In the collective memory people and facts can not be neutral. They are unequivocally moral: either good or bad, and as those revered or condemned. There is no space for neutrality.” (Nijakowski, 2010)
This is how historical awareness looks like in Poland. Poles consider themselves as freedom fighters or noble victims in the Second World War. In 2006 TNS OBOP asked people could they be more proud of their history then other nations. 53% answered that they can. In another question 62% answered that Polish nation was suffering more than others. The field of history knowledge is shaped by favourable self-stereotype – Poles had problems with pointing negative people (they were talking about whole groups, like traitors), while names of heroes were well known. Only 17% of interviewees in 2009 admitted that there were some shameful occurrences during the Second World War. It is understandable – a person could be excluded from a community (e.g. Bolesław Bierut), while occurrence burdens the whole nation. There also a big group of Poles who are unreflectively and conformistly surrendering to the dominant nationalistic discourse – we have the right to be proud, full stop! (Nijakowski, 2010). Sixty six years have passed since the end of the war and people still have problems facing the historical truth. They are distorting facts with stereotypes, myths or silence which are caused by a pride and a fear of guilt. The aim of this essay is to point that problem out and encourage to looking at the history more objectively.
I will use propaganda posters from the war times as historical evidence. These posters were carefully chosen according to different conflicting parties who originally published them: the Polish government before surrender, the Polish government in exile in London, Nazi government of occupied Poland (called GG in short – Generalna Gubernia), the Polish Underground State and the Polish Committee of National Liberation (created by the USSR). Deep analysis of each work serves as an approach to various aspects of the war and numerous ways to deal with it.
“The collective memory is important because it supports favourable identity. In the collective memory people and facts can not be neutral. They are unequivocally moral: either good or bad, and as those revered or condemned. There is no space for neutrality.” (Nijakowski, 2010)
This is how historical awareness looks like in Poland. Poles consider themselves as freedom fighters or noble victims in the Second World War. In 2006 TNS OBOP asked people could they be more proud of their history then other nations. 53% answered that they can. In another question 62% answered that Polish nation was suffering more than others. The field of history knowledge is shaped by favourable self-stereotype – Poles had problems with pointing negative people (they were talking about whole groups, like traitors), while names of heroes were well known. Only 17% of interviewees in 2009 admitted that there were some shameful occurrences during the Second World War. It is understandable – a person could be excluded from a community (e.g. Bolesław Bierut), while occurrence burdens the whole nation. There also a big group of Poles who are unreflectively and conformistly surrendering to the dominant nationalistic discourse – we have the right to be proud, full stop! (Nijakowski, 2010). Sixty six years have passed since the end of the war and people still have problems facing the historical truth. They are distorting facts with stereotypes, myths or silence which are caused by a pride and a fear of guilt. The aim of this essay is to point that problem out and encourage to looking at the history more objectively.
I will use propaganda posters from the war times as historical evidence. These posters were carefully chosen according to different conflicting parties who originally published them: the Polish government before surrender, the Polish government in exile in London, Nazi government of occupied Poland (called GG in short – Generalna Gubernia), the Polish Underground State and the Polish Committee of National Liberation (created by the USSR). Deep analysis of each work serves as an approach to various aspects of the war and numerous ways to deal with it.
Hands off!
Poster “Hands off!” was published in Warsaw in September 1939 by W. Glowczewski's Lithographic Establishment. It has been made in a chromatic watercolour technique. The size is 85x65 cm. Dynamic composition is made up of three black and white elements (the palm, the soldier, fragment of a city) and one red lettering “Hands off!”. The poster shows a Polish soldier defending his country from Hitlerite hand. The industrial look of the city exposes an intention of the enemy – to take possession of Polish economy and turn it into industrial estate of The Third Reich, where every Pole would be a manual worker. A sketchy style of drawing and strong contrast between light and shadow give an emotional expression. Differences between both sides are very symbolic. It is not a fight of two soldiers – Poland is represented by a man, while the third Reich had been demoted to an enormous hand marked with swastika – dehumanized monster. Soldier's steady posture and implacable face are contrasting with convulsively distorted hand. Intensifying others “bad” and downplaying others “good” with abstraction is typical for war posters – it is easier to kill “things” than kill human beings, and also it is easier to hate an enemy without understanding his situation, arguments or culture. That trick has been used in posters “?” and “The Bolshevik Monster”. In both those posters an enemy is greedily extending his hands towards a prize, similarly to “Hands off!” poster. There are couple of ways in Polish language to translate “hands off”. Colloquial word “wara” expresses a categorical ban, it shows a very strong sense of own property and even anger and disrespect. Red, block letters intensify the impression of shout. The whole thing is strongly motivating to fight.
1. Norman Alfred William Lindsay, 1918
?
Aulich, J. (2007) "War posters: weapons of mass communication". London: Thames & Hudson Ltd.
2. A.L., 1920
THE BOLSHEVIK MONSTER CARRIES BEATH, HORROR OF WAR AND DESTRUCTION TO POLAND. IF YOU WANT TO SECURE PEACE FOR YOUR COUNTRY, JOIN IMMEDIATELY THE ARMY!
Lewenau, M. & Gasiorowska, A. (2002) "Poland first to fight: katalog polskiego plakatu wojskowego". Warsaw: CB Andrzej Zasieczny.
Nazis’ goal was to deprive Poland of its statehood and national identity. Poland was supposed to be “a living space of great Germany which will gradually join the native country” (Dr Hegen's letter to Fuhrer, 1942, cited in Szarota, 2010). Before the war with the USSR a territory of GG had been treated as an area of machinery, resources and workforce exploitation. Then it has become one huge labour camp. It was attained by unusually brutal methods. In the book “A weekday in occupied Warsaw” Tomasz Szarota called Warsaw “a city of death article” (2010). The death sentence was even for such offences like black market meat trading or overusing electricity. The idea of creating a “millennial” German Reich required not only an atmosphere of terror but also a complete destruction of Polish culture. Polish nation was supposed to turn into millions of obedient slaves without any leadership or educated classes. On a meeting with a general governor Hans Frank in 1940 Hitler said:
“There has to be only one master for a Pole and it is a German. Two masters can not exist side by side. That is why all members of the Polish intelligentsia have to be killed. It sounds cruel but this is the law of the life. General Government is a Polish reservoir, a big Polish labour camp” (Szarota, 2010) .
Therefore Hans Frank who had an absolute power in GG used to believe that “Polish country is supposed to turn into an intellectual desert”. The occupier was aware how important the intelligentsia used to be during the partitions and he was afraid that this time that class will be an initiator of resistance too. However the extermination was a long-term programme, executed gradually and with various methods. Firstly it was a biological extermination of individuals by executions and destroying them in concentration camps and extermination camps. Secondly it was unseating them from their previous working places. Thirdly it was closing secondary schools and universities and suppression of cultural life. It is worthwhile to mention that Polish society responded by creating a great working network of clandestine education. In occupied Poland people were still passing master's thesis and doctoral dissertations, scientists were continuing their researches in the underground (Szarota, 2010).
At that time Polish political parties were continuing their work in circumstances of conspiracy and resistance. In the first months of the war the government created a programme of future Poland, based on the Second Polish Republic experience. It included a vision of political, economic and military reconstruction of the post-war country. In the columns of underground newspaper “Fight” it has been stated that it is necessary:
“to bear the strongest pressure in this war. But the strength of this pressure is also a measure of a nation (…) Today we are fighting for what we have fought 500 year ago in Grunwald. The future of Poland and European civilization depends on the strength of our resistance and endurance, on fortitude and saturation the whole life by the idea, on readiness to sacrifice today and military fight tomorrow” (Komorowski, 2000).
According to this idea it was planned to create “Catholic Country of Polish Nation”. The basic rules of its system were supposed to be: precedence of the nation over the country, achieving the national unity in society and economy, recognition of catholic religion as an essential to fully moral resurgence. The important part of the strategy were Polish borders. They referred to pre-war imperial plans as early as first weeks of the war. The new borders supposed to secure strength for Poland, prevent Germany from any future conquests and get back large arguable lands – Silesia and Pomerania. That plan got an approval of society which was be burning with revenge for the September defeat and experienced harms. It was also decided that on ruins of Nazi “Mitteleuropa” should be build an area of Polish influences. The issue of eastern borders stated the fight for borderlands (even after the Operation Barbarossa) and expansions (Komorowski, 2000). The war between the two enemies gave Poland the hope for independence. The final defeat of Nazis was presupposed. The future of the USSR was less clear. There were three options: 1. strengthening of the USSR after the war which will mean hard times for Poland; 2. loosing power after the war which will enable Poland the territorial expansion on the east; 3. weaker USRR but with the guarantee to keep the pre-war assets (Komorowski, 2000).
In this war Poles have seen a special mission in organizing and assimilation of Slavic countries and in securing the balance for Europe in the future. Those arguments ware strongly polo-centric. It is easy to see the analogy to the Polish messianism – a philosophy in which Poland appears as a “Christ of Nations crucified on the cross by the three invaders” (Mickiewicz, 1832). Poland was supposed to redeem other nations by its suffering.
The “noble victim” is very common in Polish mentality. In 1942 Aleksander Kaminski took up this subject in analysis of the national personality. He did not simply list advantages and disadvantages but he described how main advantages could turn (and have turned in reality) into disadvantages by misusing them. Therefore, subordination to the case instead to the government, mass sacrifice of life for the country and honourable welfare work turned into gentry-romantic disadvantages like: snobbery of risking one's live and self-sacrifice, patriotic idle talks and superficiality, Poles preference to die for the fatherland then live for it. The faith in dominance of spiritual power made Poles able to preserve national culture during 123 years of partitions and to have unitary attitude towards Nazis, but also it made Poles passive (“things will work out”), too much trusting in the Providence and (in fight) enthusiasm, feeling and morale instead trusting in a military and technological aspect. The love of freedom and spiritual independence used to be reflected by revolts in captivity and constant hatred of outside yoke; however in the peace times it appears as factiousness and disagrees with a government. Poles were helping and giving a shelter to oppressed nations what in consequence turned into overmuch trust in foreigners and being under their influence; Poles were also quick in forgiving their enemies and seeing a “human factor” in them, which showed complete lack of skills in benefitting from victory, lack of consequence and rigour in important moments (Kaminski, 1942).
Monte Cassino
Stanislaw Westwalewicz's poster “M. Cassino for your freedom and ours. Per la vostra e la nostra liberta” was published by Polish Public Relation Unit in London in 1944. The two languages on the poster suggest that it was displayed also in Italy (in spite of officially Italy being fascist, there was a highly developed guerrilla cooperating with the Allies, also most of the citizens were against the war). Poster has been printed in a colourful offset technique, in size 70x50 cm. A soldier is placed in the central part of the composition. He is in British uniform with a Polish shoulder patch. It means that he belongs to the II Polish Corps equipped by the British army. In the top right corner appears an outline of the Monte Cassino. The battle was very difficult and bloody, mainly because of the location. Perhaps that is why the hill has been painted with an intensive red colour. Other colours are white, black and green. The sentence “for your freedom and ours” has been perfectly visually expressed – British uniform, Polish soldier and Italian lettering. The lettering is handmade. In the top left corner appears a black text “M.CASSINO” in block letters. The same style has been used under the illustration in English sentence “FOR YOUR FREEDOM AND OURS”. While its Italian equivalent is red and in handwritten style.
Polish soldiers took a very meaningful part in the history of Cassino. Their corps counted about 50 000 people who had been freed from prisons and camps by virtue of amnesty. The Polish II Corps had one of the most difficult tasks – to get Monte Cassino in the first phase and then the Piedimonte. “It was a significant moment for me” gen. Anders wrote (cited in Parker, 2005). Monte Cassino gained renown at that time; therefore the Polish contribution could have an important meaning in the Polish case. It was a great response for Soviet propaganda that Poles do not want to fight with Nazis. There were a lot of differences between Poles and British in the attitude towards ideological aspects. Polish soldiers were reproaching others that they were not concerned about the war because they did not harbour hatred of Nazis. On the other hand British were worried about Polish enthusiasm which showed as an impatient looking forward to an attack and disrespect of their own safety. It was risky because it could reduce chances for success mission. Poles just wanted to kill Nazis (Parker, 2005). Nevertheless that attitude was a source of bravery and stubbornness in fight.
Because of those and other merits in the war (1939 Defensive War, Battle of Britain, Siege of Tobruk, Battle of Berlin) Poland was expecting full independence after the war. Unfortunately the Allies had a different point of view. The agreement about Soviet control in Poland is considered as a treachery. The Polish public opinion is not interested in the Allies’ reasons. But however fundamental thing in the war is a strategy, it is obvious from the very beginning that it is almost impossible to realize its every part. Only the most powerful side can achieve what it wants, the rest have to be flexible to protect them. In Poland the Allies are considered as the great, powerful and influential countries which have sold Poland just like that. It is often forgotten that they were exhausted by the war, and USSR was much stronger.
In the first days of the war Poland placed its hope on Anglo-Polish and Franco-Polish military alliance. One year later, after France had capitulated in June 1940, Great Britain and its the only one ally – Poland, were resisting Hitler only by themselves through next year, till the Barbarossa operation. Then Churchill was relieved by the USRR joining in the war against Germany. The British media and public opinion ware expressing the gratitude towards Soviets. The increasing admiration for Stalin was limiting the British government's room for manoeuvre in talks with Moscow. When soviet crimes had been brought into light, could the government confess to partnership with a mass murderer without awareness of his past? Besides, the war did not seem to draw near the end, when in November 1943 Winston Churchill, Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Jozef Stalin have met on the Tehran Conference. The capitulation to Stalin was for Britain a unavoidable price for further participation of USSR in the war. The Allies had to be submissive towards USSR because there was a possibility that they will conclude separate peace with Hitler. Therefore it was promised Stalin to give him a free hand in Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Baltic states, half of Prussia and influences in Austria, Yugoslavia and on Kuril Islands. In exchange USSR obligated itself to relieve from the east the Normandy landings and declared the war to Japan immediately after the victory over the III Reich (Walker, 2010). The Second Polish Republic was very young (21 years). Irrespective of Polish merits on the west front, Poland was not politically important enough for the Allies. It is understandable that neither Churchill nor Roosevelt would risk the safety of their own countries for the benefit of a country which could not give a guarantee that will not collapse again in the next few dozen years. During the Yalta Conference those decisions about Poland have been maintained. Nevertheless in Polish consciousness Yalta is more symbolic than Tehran. In the 65th anniversary of the Yalta Conference Polish magazine Super Express interviewed Jonathan Walker and Winston S. Churchill (grandson of former British Prime Minister). For the question: “Whose victim Poland was? Cynical pragmatism of Britain and USA? Soviets? Wrong moment in the history?” Jonathan Walker said:
„Everything. It is hard to hide that the conference was in February 1945. At that moment the Red Army was only some ten kilometres from Berlin. Stalin knew he had aces in his sleeve. He was firmly requesting more and more. (…) The western countries seemed to be very weak in Yalta. They were anxious about help from USSR in case of problems with Japan. (…) At the end of the war the Great Britain was exhausted.” (2010)
While in the same interview Winston S. Churchill stated:
“The truth is that the future of Poland and other East European countries depended on the Red Army attendance in the heart or rather at the throat of Europe. It was impossible for Britain to take the risk of a war with USSR after 6 years of the war with Hitler. The same USA. There was nothing to do to rescue Poland. Despite how much the world owned to their bravery (…) I can only say with no doubt that what happened with Poland was the greatest disappointment from the war times for my grandfather. The fact that after 5 years of Nazi occupation you have become a victim of soviet slavery. The issue of Polish independence was for him a point of honour and it hurt him to the end of life. Your country was for him a symbol of the first resistance.” (2010)
In spite of those words, the opinion of Polish society is full of grudge and embitterment, what is clearly presented in Internet users comments below the article - “you sold us in cold blood”, “we used to have slogan – for our and your freedom. And why were we fighting for Britain?”. Polish artist Jacek Kaczmarki wrote a song “Yalta” in 1986 and he has finished it with words:
“So don't bear a grudge against the Trinity,
the verdict of the history was behind it
elaborated with attention for details.
Each of them was protecting what he's already got,
he could make a mistake, could be deluded by the moment,
he was no Pole or Balt.
Only victims are right
and that's how Yalta should be understood.” (Kaczmarski, 1986)
And now the same fate would have awaited you
The poster “And now the same fate would have awaited you” was published by Nazis in occupied Poland and Ukraine in 1942. It shows a Jew's caricature and a Star of David, with burning Eastern Orthodox churches in the background and broken Christian cross in the foreground. Stooping person has a sneering face and looks askance at an audience. The work has been made very neatly with a wide colour range – red, yellow, brown, blue, green, white, grey. The sentence under the illustration is in the Russian language. Probable there was a Polish version, but on the other hand the poster could be aimed at people living at the eastern part of the country, which used to be under Russian occupation for over 100 years. The lettering says: “Hating everything what’s Christian, Jews with a help from Soviets have killed 35 millions of people in USSR in 1918-1945. And now the same fate would have awaited you”. It presented Jewish nation as a danger for Orthodox and Catholic religion and man's life. The Nazi propaganda tried to show Nazis in a good light as liberators of the Ukrainian and Polish countries.
Communist organizations were illegal in Poland. The poster was referring to a fact that lots of communists in USSR were Jewish. Although Jews did not want to assimilate, Poles were tolerating them. According to census in 1921 there were 2,8 millions Jews living in Poland, what was 10,4% of the population of the country. A part of Polish society disliked Jews because of religious and cultural differences but it was not a barrier in cooperating and doing businesses with them, and it was far away from hatred. Both nations were living next to each other on the same rights.
Jews’ legal status in Poland was defined in constitution in 1921. It guaranteed equality of all citizens, irrespective of religion or nationality. Nazis intended to damage relations between Poles and Jews. But Nazis propaganda was hardly ever convincing for the Polish society. Despite death penalty for giving away Jews’ shelters (and for any other kind of help, even a glass of water, since 1941) helping was very common in Poland, what was appreciated with thousands of honours after the war. Till the 1st of January 2011 the Yad Vashem Institute honoured 6 266 Poles as the Righteous among the Nations. It is the biggest group honoured by this institute so far. And there are still many Poles who have not been honoured because their Jewish survivors have died or lost contact. Historian Gunnar S. Paulsson informs that only in Warsaw from 27 000 Jewish refugees there were still 17 000 alive after 15 months from destruction of the ghetto. Among the 23 000 of those who have not been involved in the Polish Hotel operation (internment Jews with fake South American passports) 17 000 Jews have survived. 5 000 have been killed in Warsaw Uprising and 10 500 Jews have lived to see the end of the war. 27 000 hiding Jews in Warsaw were depended on 50-60 000 people who gave them a shelter and on another 20-30 000 who were helping in other way. On the other hand 2-3 000 of anti-Semitic collaborators used to be a cause of death of 2-3 victims every month. The helpers outnumbered them in proportion 20-30 to one. The whole net – Jews, helpers, hunters – formed in Warsaw a secret town in number about 100 000 people (of million [1939] and half a million [1945] of the Warsaw population) (Tyndorf, 2011). The talk is about the active help – those who were passively protecting Jews were the majority of people. In the open letter to B'nai B'rith Jozef S. Kutrzeba wrote:
“During the II World War in Poland it was impossible that any Jew could survive by himself; the help from great amount of people was essential to achieve this – in Poland, as the only country in occupied Europe, any kind of help for Jews was punished by death penalty and it was strictly exacted. In my case 9 people were needed to save my life, without mention another 20 who helped me on my way. Only one of them has been honoured by the Yad Vashem Institute.” (Kutrzeba, 1996 cited in Tyndorf, 2011)
On the other hand lots of Poles today do not know that in some areas murdering and reporting on Jews was epidemical. However those people had their own reasons, totally different than Nazis propaganda. In the essay “The attitude of Poles towards Jewish refugees from Treblinka, Belzec and Sobibor extermination camps in Jewish and Polish stories” Teresa Prekerowa presents 61 stories, most of them negative. It is mostly about countrymen who were robbing refugees or reporting on them. Although it is very often considered as anti-Semitism, the logic says something else. First of all Jews and Polish countrymen had different kinds of professions so there were no reasons for conflict of interests. Secondly the Nazis propaganda was not reaching the countryside. The main motive was a greed and poverty. Farmers knew very well which Jews had the money and valuables. They also knew that they were not keeping it in pockets but hiding near their shelter. Unmasking those places was giving an opportunity to find a “treasure”. Hold-ups had the same reason. The case of rich Jew, Zilberman, constitutes a proof – he had given the money to the farmer for safekeeping, shortly after that his neighbours killed the farmer and stole the money (Prekerowa,2011). The author of one of stories reports:
“In the vicinity of Treblinka countrymen were helping Nazis in their own way. Even when we were running away, we could see bodies of Jews without shoes. Countrymen knew that Jews had money and that was enough good reason to setting an ambush and killing” (Grindberg, 1945 citied in Prekerowa, 2011).
Those and similar situations, like selling glasses of water for 100-200 zloty!) were taking place in the areas near the camps. Poles were used to Jews escaping with money they needed to survive (hidden from Nazis somehow). They mostly were taking everything and setting victims free, but sometimes murders occurred as well. Ludwik Kolkowski wrote: “The worst people were living in Treblinka, 200-300 meters from the camp. Those living 2 000 meters farther were different.” (Kołkowski, 1987 citied in Prekerowa, 2011). The other motive of reporting was neighbour's envy, wishing revenge and getting rid of rival. Most of the reports were not directly against Jews but against protecting them Poles. Nazis were shooting Jews, the helper and his all family (even babies!). Only people without enemies could venture the help, like Maria Leszczynska who was taking care of Irenka Sznycer for several years' - “I felt good with this lady and I wasn't afraid at all. Because although everyone knew that I'm Jew, this lady had no enemies so nothing bad could happen” (Sznycer, 1945 citied in Prekerowa, 2011).
The other issue is that even lack of help has been considered by Jews as anti-Semitism. In occupied Poland (and Ukraine) the punishment for any kind of helping Jews was death. Railwaymen who had been giving water to carriages, have been caught and shoot (Paul, 2011). The same was happening with those who knew about hiding Jews but did not inform Nazis (that is why the passive help was so appreciated). However individual help was commonplace. The help was disinterested, more rarely for money (for gain or return of costs). The most common help in the countryside was one-off giving food. Refugees would enter cottages asking for some food, sometimes they got some provisions and they would walk away. There were also families supporting one group of refugees for longer time. Whole villages were involved in that kind of actions to share expenses and to reduce the risk – if everyone was involved, nobody denounced. People very often were giving a shelter, what was most dangerous. Some Jews were living with one family a couple of months and, as they said after war, they were treated as guests all that time (Prekerowa, 2011). In the cities help was the same but organised in a different way. People were more anonymous than in the countryside but they did not own so much space. That is why the huge net of trusted people was needed there among whom Jews were being passed.
The truth is that the huge number of Poles were risking their lives to rescue Jews (very often strangers). Why? Partly because of their ethic, partly because of compassion they felt, but mostly because in occupied Poland any kind of anti-Jewish action was considered as collaboration with Nazis and betrayal of Polish nation. Poles are very proud of helping Jews during the war, unfortunately the truth about crimes against them is belittled.
25th anniversary of rebirth of the Polish state
The poster “25th anniversary of rebirth of the Polish state” was published by Polish underground organization in 1943. The poster has been made in colour lithography technique, in size 15,8x11,5 cm. There are two reasons why the poster is so small. First of all the underground organizations could not have big printing machines because of conspiracy circumstances. Secondly hanging them out in the streets was risking life, so the bigger the sheet the harder the task. The poster presents a white eagle in a crown on the red background - exactly like the Polish emblem. The sign on the eagle's chest is a sign on the “Fighting Poland” (“Polska Walczaca”) – an anchor made of “P” and “W” letters. Below appear dates 11 XI 1918 (the date of regaining independence) and 11 IX 1943 (date of the poster publication, 25th anniversary). There are also two rifles with bayonets – symbols of fight, and a big number XXV decorated with laurel leaves – symbols of victory, and oak leaves – symbols of bravery. The whole thing is surrounded with ribbon in colours of the flag with the sentence “25th anniversary of rebirth of the Polish state”. The whole image is made in national colours – white and red – and black as an outline and lettering. The poster is clearly saying about 25 years of Polish statehood, although Poland was free only 21 years. It means that the society will never agree to Hitler's domination. The enemy was treated as an invader who at the end will go down in history, while Poland will last. The same attitude is expressed in the national anthem lyric “Poland has not yet perished, so long as we still live”.
The Polish Underground State has been created in that spirit. The organisation legally depended on the Polish government-in-exile in London. Despite terror of two occupiers all organs were well working. There was administration - Government Delegation for Poland, judiciary, armed forces – Home Army, parliament - Political Consultative Committee, Council of National Unity. The secret government supported also various areas of social life, which were banned by Nazis, like education, culture, art, social welfare. From the very beginning of the occupation the Polish society has taken up the fight with the enemy. In 1944 the armed forces of the resistance numbered about 800 thousands people. 150 thousands Nazis have been killed in 10 thousands operations. The civil fight was carried on everyday by millions of Poles in their houses, work places and streets. It mostly consisted of passive resistance and boycott of occupier's orders. There appeared whispering propaganda i.e. true or made up information cheering Poles up. The scouts were hanging up posters and painting patriotic symbols on walls. The factories’ workers were braking down machines or intentionally working less efficiently. The 30% of capacity decrease is an evidence of popularity of the motto “pPp – pracuj Polaku powoli!” (Pole, work slowly!). The other mean of fight was through black market. People could get necessary products and avoid Nazis’ system of rationing. Smuggling was possible because of the sabotage in the countryside. Despite repressions Nazis did not manage to collect more than 40% of cereal. The underground formed the penitential system. They were killing traitors. Even though executions resembled armed robbery, “killers” always had to say “in the name of The Underground Poland you are sentenced to death for treason of the fatherland”“ before the shot (Czas honoru 2, 2009, 33,5 mins.). Less dangerous collaborators were punished mostly by public abasement (e.g. shaving heads of women dating Nazis). These are only few examples of the resistance but every sign of it was a risk of death. On the other hand the low percentage of collaboration and the extended underground were not due to the noble patriotism only. Poland used to be called “a country without Quisling” but Hitler was just not interested in cooperation with Poles. It was a punishment for refusal of a proposal for joining the Axis powers in 1939. Working in conspiracy was caused also by circumstances in occupied Poland. It needs to be understood how Poland differed from other occupied countries. The occupation of the west Europe was gentle. Some countries could keep their state-run establishment and administration. Denmark even had democratic elections and Netherlands kept an independent newspaper. While in Poland there were extremely strong repressions like collective responsibility – 50 random people killed in revenge for one killed Nazi; “roundups” - arresting random people on streets and taking them to death camps or shooting in forest; deportations; killing the whole family of a person who helped Jews; prohibition of the Polish art or having a radio at home, of education and so on. Hitler was expecting Poland to do a slave labour and stop existing after couple of generations (Szarota, 2010). That terror was something that nobody could agree on. Therefore it is obvious that the Polish Underground State and the resistance were developed much more then in other countries.
Poles to arms!
Ek Sandor was a Hungarian graphic who emigrated to USSR after communism collapse in Hungary. In 1944 he designed the poster “Poles to arms” for Polish Committee of National Liberation in Lublin – a self-appointed government, an opposition to the Polish government in exile. The poster was made in colour lithography technique (white, red and black), in size 58x40 cm. The image presents a soldier in the foreground with a flag and a battle in the background. Although at first sight it is not easy to see, the poster is full of propaganda tricks. The Polish flag is made up of two equal parts – white on the top and red below. The way of framing is making the red part the most visible. A piece of the white one is only in the left top corner. That trick introduced communist red colour to Polish audiences. The other thing is that from the very beginning of the Polish country the eagle with a crown has been appearing on Polish coats-of-arms. In 1295 it has been honoured as a national emblem. The eagle always had a crown, even though its image was changing within years. However the eagle on the poster does not have any crown. In this form it became an emblem of People's Republic of Poland after the war. Finally the soldier from the poster wears a uniform of Polish Army before 1939 but he holds a Soviet rifle. It means that he is from the Polish First Army being a part of the Red Army. Because Poles associated soldiers of the Red Army with an enemy and invader, Polish soldiers were equipped with specially sewed uniforms based on uniforms of pre-war Polish Army. Its purpose was to calm civilians who thought that they were welcoming their own Polish soldiers.
That was the one of Soviet methods preparing Poles for the communist government after the war. For 50 years communistic propaganda has been running that the Red Army had liberated Poland. The censor has been forbidding to speak about the Home Army's heroism, because as long as they were fighting for freedom they were considering USSR as an enemy, as dangerous as Hitler. It had been common to conceal crimes of the Red Army and to highlight the Nazis blame, what found its symbol in the Katyn’s lie. The slogans about brotherhood were being used purely for political purposes. Despite that regaining sovereignty in 1989 has led to official depreciation of that “friendship”, there is sill a conviction that Poland and USRR cooperated together as partners. The truth is that it was only true as far as Berling's Army and operation “Storm” were concerned.
Poland and Russia have been clashing for ages. Since 1772 Russia and two other invaders had been bit by bit occupying Poland before it disappeared from a map for 123 years. In that time Polish nation experienced forced but ineffectual russification. Not till the I World War has brought freedom for Poland, what was possible in large measure because of the civil war in Russia in that time. That was the opinion of inter-war Polish government. Roman Dmowski, the then Foreign Minister, was not foretelling a long life for communism: “the soviet government in Russia will pass but Russia will stay, and the relation with what abides – with Russian nation – is more important then relation with passing government” (Dmowski cited in Komorowski, 2000). In the first days of the II World War the Polish government has been still belittling USRR attack against Poland. Therefore the 17th of September was a big shock. The Moscow stated that because of the Nazi invasion the Polish country is not existing any more, in the result every treaty with Poland is invalid and the Red Army have to “help the friends of Russian nation” (Ukrainians and Belorussians). The task of the red Army was to go towards Nazi fighting line and part Poland according to Ribentropp-Mołotow pact (Walker, 2010). One year later in the underground newspaper “Fight” it was explained that:
“Soviets are the same enemies for Poland like Nazis – Nazis are the same enemies like Soviets” and prophesied a war between them: “it will be highly advantageous moment. Because this war will bring decay and death for them both. Who should we help? Nobody (…) Remember! No friendliness for any of them” (Komorowski, 2000).
As it was expected the operation Barbarossa was a turning point for Poland. Stalin under pressure has been forced to draw up an agreement for amnesty of internee since 1940 Poles, including prisoners of war. Many of them have died or have been executed in camps, whereas officers of Polish Army have disappeared. The investigation discovered later that they died in Katyn forest by virtue of Soviet government's decision. Nevertheless 114 000 of Polish soldiers and civilians under gen. Wladyslaw Anders command had penetrated to Iraq where they formulated Polish II Corps under British jurisdiction. This period of soviet amnesty was full of nervous tension and harmonic team-work Polish and Soviet officers was very rare. On the other hand camps have been left also by communism followers and people who were not enough healthy to leave the USRR and join gen. Anders. They have been voluntarily or under duress conscripted into the Polish First Army created by Stalin which supposed to be a tool to take over control in Poland. Wladyslaw Berling – ex-officer in Polish Army, deserter, “re-educated” in soviet prisons and camps – took command (Walker, 2010). On 3rd of September 1944 the Red Army have crossed pre-war borders of Poland. The Home Army could not fight with two aggressors at the same time and have been forced to take part in operation “Strom”: supporting the red Army by fighting on Nazi fighting line. The Home Army command considered themselves as equal partner of USRR so they had the right to be a master and manager in liberated lands. While Stalin has created in Lublin the communistic government which was competitive for the Polish government-in-exile in London. Nevertheless before taking over control and destroying the Home Army, Stalin needed them to fighting with Nazis. At the beginning relations between Soviet and Polish officers were friendly but immediately after the enemy had been forced out of given area, the NKVD arrived and introduced their rules of terror. They were much more dangerous than Gestapo because the knew identity of 10 000 officers and 70 000 non-coms from the Home Army. Those Polish soldiers have been executed or deported and their subordinates have been conscripted into Berling's army (Walker, 2010). Poland has been captured by communists but the society has never reconciled with this during over 50 years of their ruling. However according to Pentor researches every tenth Pole is still believing in soviet propaganda.
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The geographic location between two powers has been causing troubles for Poland for ages. That is why its history is very rich in conflicts. Selectively treating the history created an image of Polish fighter and patriot. Opinions clashing with this image are often considered as controversial and it is very difficult for them to push their way through the national pride. However, if a society is not acknowledging its shame, then it is not accepting the fact that it harmed others, or has an inferiority complex, or is aggressive towards those who question innocence of the nation. The pride is a base for good relation in a society and it does not antagonize a society. Nevertheless the acknowledged shame enables self-correction of behaviour and rebuilds ties by the trust. A person plunged in self-laudatory nationalistic discourse is loosing an ability of well-proportioned and outstripped estimation. Unfortunately people want to be members of groups considered as prestigious, powerful and appreciated by others. Therefore the historical truth and common sense are sacrificed to the national pride too often. Even though there are numbers of evidences of the truth including propaganda posters. However historians too rare are considering them as valuable . Also graphics are considering the war period as a „downtime” in the history of Polish poster. Meanwhile those posters are live evidences of the history, sources of information about social moods, hopes, visions and ways of seeing own nation and other. With a bit of knowledge about the history posters are a great guide. They are important and have the worth not only in the one field. In the graphic aspect they are a great example of the power of image and its importance in bringing out specific feeling and actions of a big group of people.
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